The Ghost of Nixon?
Commentary
by PAT MURPHY
Here’s
the plan hatched in the White House.
"An
expanded range of covert activities against suspected terrorists,
including mail opening; ‘black bag jobs’ (surreptitious break-ins);
wiretapping; increased infiltration of left wing groups; recruitment of
informants on campuses, and greater use of electronic surveillance."
To casual
readers, that outline for war on terrorists may sound like Attorney
General John Ashrcroft’s chilling blueprint for dealing with the threat
of Osama bin Laden and his apparatus.
But, no,
this "expanded range of covert activities" was President Richard
Nixon’s "Huston Plan," a dark set of police-state measures
fabricated in the 1970 White House (and named after 29-year-old Nixon aide
Tom Huston) to deal with domestic chaos and Vietnam War protests, as
described by Jonathan Aitken on page 413 of his 1994 book, "Nixon: A
Life."
Not content
with those fearsome steps, Nixon also proposed building a giant outdoor
detention center in Washington to house thousands of war protesters
rounded up by military troops and police.
To their
everlasting credit, astonished Nixon advisers told the frantic and often
reckless president that his plan was brimming with a witch’s brew of
unconstitutional assaults on American freedoms. Cooler heads prevailed;
Nixon abandoned the plan.
Now,
Attorney General Ashcroft has embarked on strategies with disturbing
similarities to Nixon’s methods ¾ eavesdropping on phone conversations
between attorneys and clients detained by the Justice Department;
pondering a plan for FBI agents to infiltrate religious and political
groups; rounding up and jailing Arab men without charges, and using
military tribunals for trials of non-citizens.
Intoxicated
by the sort of soaring popularity ratings and congressional support that
Nixon enjoyed until Watergate brought him down, Ashcroft presses
aggressively on.
Ashcroft
waves off suggestions that he’s impinging on rights that he, the
attorney general, is sworn to protect.
Some
worries run deeper, however. Since Ashcroft has told the U.S. Senate that
he believes critics of his tactics provide aid and comfort to terrorism,
some critics wonder whether he might twist his authority to include
declaring opponents of the anti-terrorist campaign as subversives, and
round them up.
Unlike
Nixon, who was counseled by aides with an understanding of the
Constitution, Ashcroft has no such restraints in his circle of
conservative advisers.
President
Bush fully supports him, and Ashcroft has surrounded himself with rigid
ideologues who instinctively mock and belittle champions of civil
liberties.
Finally,
those who believe the U.S. Supreme Court’s five-vote conservative
majority handed George W. Bush the presidency in the midst of the disputed
Florida vote recount have good reason to doubt that Ashcroft’s policies
would be reversed by the high court.