Idaho’s pushy
right-to-lifers
Commentary
by PAT MURPHY
Idaho
Democrats don’t find much in U.S. Sen. Larry Craig’s politics worth
approving. But he deserves a cheer for his refusal to knuckle down to
protests of Idaho’s eerie, overbearing right-to-lifers.
Idaho
Choose Life imperiously demanded that Craig cancel a fund-raising
appearance at the home of Twin Falls attorney John Lezamiz because Lezamiz—get
this!—is co-owner of a building in which Planned Parenthood rents office
space.
Sen. Craig
quickly refused to be pushed around by such nonsense, unlike some of his
Republican brethren who seem to wilt when anti-abortionists give them the
evil eye. The demand on Craig is an example of the twisted thinking that
afflicts the fringe element of the anti-abortion movement—that merely
showing up at the home of an attorney who’s the businessman-landlord to
Planned Parenthood is tantamount to Craig promoting abortion.
One wonders
how far these right-to-lifers will stretch their demands: do they ask
their doctors, dentists, bankers, executives of Idaho Power, their waste
collectors, mortgage companies, owners of markets where they shop and
police who protect them if they donate to Planned Parenthood or support
abortion? Would they refuse to do business with anyone donating to Planned
Parenthood?
Do they
expect elected officials to check with Choose Life for an approved list of
where they can hold fund-raisers? The only place where Idaho Choose Life
and its leader, David Ripley, would be safe from ever hearing a word about
Planned Parenthood is in a dark cave by themselves, where they could
mutually admire their purity.
n
How
embarrassing that U.S. Sen. John McCain, of Arizona, stood so very much
taller than President George W. Bush after McCain’s—and co-sponsor
Sen. Russ Feingold’s—campaign finance reform legislation passed and
was signed grudgingly by a resentful, pouting Bush.
Instead of
a public bill-signing with Rose Garden or East Room pomp with McCain and
Feingold at his side as a tribute to their tenacity (a customary White
House ritual with significant legislation), Bush retreated like a
childish, petulant sore-loser behind closed doors in the White House to
affix his signature with no witnesses other than Vice President Cheney and
national security adviser Condoleezza Rice, both who’ve been irrelevant
to the reform legislation.
But Bush’s
moodiness got worse: he had the effrontery to notify McCain of the signing
by having an untitled White House flunky telephone McCain. As a final
insult to McCain, Bush named a fox to guard the hen house—a man opposed
to McCain-Feingold reforms was appointed to the Federal Elections
Commission to enforce the campaign finance law.
(The week’s
other presidential affront: Bush appointed a man who detests affirmative
action to be deputy attorney general in charge of enforcing civil rights.)
Obviously,
Bush again dutifully was following the script of his political handlers,
Karen Hughes and Karl Rove, who learned their coarse tactics in
down-and-dirty small time Texas politics, and who now plan the president’s
days, what he says, whom he sees, where he goes.
Their
obvious aim was to humiliate McCain by showing the president’s disdain
for his 2000 presidential rival, and perhaps snuff out McCain’s national
popularity by demeaning him as inconsequential to the presidency.
Sorry. The
opposite happened.
McCain rose
manfully above the insult with nary a word of resentment; he even
magnanimously thanked Bush for signing the legislation. McCain’s POW
years of torture by the North Vietnamese endow him with the courage to
turn the other cheek without loss of manhood, an adult virtue yet to be
acquired by the spiteful president.
Senators
and representatives of both parties also will find Bush’s slight of
McCain unbecoming to the commander-in-chief.
Bush and
his advisers come out of this episode looking like shallow, petty,
small-minded, vindictive Bush-league operators lacking the grace and
stature of the elegant office they serve.